EUROPEAN UNION ENLARGEMENT1Critics who say the European Union has been tipped into inaction by the euro crisis are mistaken. Despite it, policymaking in such areas as competition, energy, the single market and telecoms carries on. And on July 1st the club will admit its 28th member, Croatia.2To many this means that the western Balkans must eventually join the club, so membership talks continue with Montenegro and will open next year with Serbia. But further negotiations with Turkey, already almost frozen, have at German insistence been put off until October, because of the Turks' crackdown on protesters. And nobody even raises the possible accession of Moldova, Ukraine or the Caucasus.3This is a mistake. Enlargement has been the EU's most successful policy by far. The hope of membership was crucial in fostering and smoothing the transition to democracy, first in Greece, Spain and Portugal and later across large parts of eastern Europe. The lure of joining the rich democrats' club led countries into social and constitutional reform and persuaded them to free statist economies. The results benefited not just new members, but existing ones, too.4Those who oppose further enlargement offer several arguments. The EU club is already too large to function well, they say, and is anyway in too big a mess to afford new distractions. Some countries were let in before their institutions were sufficiently developed (Romania and Bulgaria in 2007), or with unresolved territorial disputes (Cyprus, 2004). Hungary (also 2004) has regressed in its democracy. Others, like Turkey, are not really European at all. Public opinion is against more expansion, partly because of rising resistance to large-scale immigration. Potential candidates from the east are too big (Ukraine), too poor (Moldova), too Muslim (Turkey again), too autocratic (Azerbaijan)—or some combination of the above.5Yet all these points have answers. Decision-making has not suffered from enlargement: policy squabbles are mostly among older members, not between old and new. Romania and Bulgaria may indeed have joined too soon, but the admission criteria have been toughened since they signed up. Countries with frozen conflicts should be told to resolve them before they join and not after. Hungary is being pressured back into line, albeit with difficulty. Turkey was accepted as a European country at least as far back as 1963, when it signed an association agreement.6Clearly, people in the EU are worried about immigration. But it will be decades before many of these countries can join, and even then they will have long, potentially unlimited, transition periods before enjoying full free movement of labour. Size, poverty and religion have never stood in the way of membership and should not suddenly become obstacles now. Democracy and the rule of law remain fundamental requirements for the EU—indeed, this is precisely what gives it such powerful leverage over would-be members.Adapted from The Economist June 29’h, 201331In paragraph 1, "it" in the phrase "Despite it..." most likely refers to which of the following?A The euro B The European Union C European policymaking D The euro crisisE The argument that the European Union is unable to act
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Olá!
No parágrafo 1, o texto diz o seguinte:
Críticos que dizem que a União Européia está inclinada à inação por causa da crise do euro, estão errados. Apesar disso, a formulação de políticas continua em áreas como a concorrência, a energia, o mercado único e as telecomunicações. E em 1 de julho, o clube vai admitir seu 28º membro, a Croácia.
Ou seja, na frase Despite it (apesar disso), ele faz referência ao argumento de que a União Europeia é incapaz de agir pela crise do euro.
A alternativa correta é:
E) The argument that the European Union is unable to act
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